There are discussions in the legislature concerning federalism. And even in the street parliaments, talks of federalism hound the senses. At least ten senators, if not eleven, have recently joined Sen. Aquilino Pimentel’s federalism bandwagon in what appears to be a sudden outburst of clamor. That seemed to breathe more life into the proposed shift in governance.
Not so long ago, it was Rep. Jose De Venecia who first hinted at a parliamentary shift. Being a member of the lower Congress himself, Joe's brainchild was lambasted by the senate largely because it implied the dire consequence of dissolving the upper legislature which he wasn't part of. Which of course raised hell on heaven, or hell on hell. It, too, raised the Senate eyebrows to the ceiling, prompting them to erase that which could swipe them off of their political perpetuity and participation, not to mention tragicomic displays of concern for the people. But that’s a different story.
Today we hear a déjà vu of some sort, although it merely echoes a tune close to Joe's earlier hums. Today, we now hear the senate leading the pack for federalism instituted either through a constituent assembly or a constitutional convention.
Four reasons forced the winds in the Senate, or in the minds of the senators, to blow in another direction. One is that a shift to a federal country would lead to savings during elections. Two, which is the perceived consequence of the first, is that it will raze down corruption to ashes. That is so because elected politicians will no longer resort to pillaging the national treasury to regain their electoral expenses during political campaigns before and during their term. Three is that federalism will empower the other regions, especially the regions in Mindanao, as it would enliven the federal states in making use of their resources for their own. One consequence is that “Imperial Manila” will cease to dominate and control the neighboring and distant regions. The bureaucratic leash would have to be eventually slashed. Fourth and last, which is connected with the third, is that the insurgencies spurred by the separatist movements in Mindanao will receive the final nail on its coffin. That’s for saying goodbye to armed rebellion and saying hello to the Bangsamoro Juridical Entity.
Those are quite a fearsome foursome. But those are certainly so only on print.
Some have said that all forms of government look good on paper, and that some of these only look good like candies for the eyes. Either of which is true in a democracy and true in a federal system. The same goes for an autocracy, although the truth in this might spawn a barrage of indictments, but that certainly is another story that goes as far back as Marcos. In any case, theory lies in a different realm in contrast to practice. The former goes with thinking, the latter goes with acting, or enabling, whichever comes first. Even more so, the ‘practice’ part of theory largely depends on the agents of the actions. That being said, any theory divine in print can grow corrupted roots when those who man the posts transfigure into monstrous cabals like those whom we bear witness to today.
For the most part, Pimentel’s version of a federal state demands for 75 senators, six of whom are voted from each of the eleven component federal states, and 350 members of the House of Representatives. That brings to mind the classic saying “too many cooks spoil the broth,” much as it turns the nation into a guinea pig, causing it to suffer from political experimentations born out of the discontent not to the catalysts of “borjers” and “bukols” but to the institution of democracy as it is today. Quite ironically, instead of limiting the rotten eggs in the government in both size and substance, instead of trimming the defilers of the land who infiltrate the sanctity of the democratic institutions to the point of madness and frustration, the legislature is enthralled by the thought of begging for more.
That's like saying we can't beat the hell out of these corrupt politicians, let's have more of them. If you can't beat them, well, let them come flooding before the gates of the fiefdom.
Here we have the pathological and patent disorder of diagnosing the wrong disease and, worse, prescribing the wrong medicine. And here, too, we have the manifestation of the diabolical ailment of being inspired to replicate what we observe in others: federalism worked in the United States of America—or so we are told—why not suffuse it here? Why not turn this nation into an America in the Pacific, or a United States of the Philippines if you will? But why why not and not why? Before we forget, our democracy is not as old as we think of it. Our democratic institutions are younger than Chuck Norris. Federalism is an alien concept. It is a political serum that nips the current democracy right at its infant buds.
With federalism designed—or assumed—to help the government save finances during elections, would more legislators translate to more treasury savings? A sensible logic to the sensible question tells us otherwise. You have more names listed in the government payroll, our financial resources won’t be seeing its thickening days. God or Allah or Buddha knows where our taxes go, even the ones that go under the table. More to that point, would more politicians equate with little to zero politicking and the removal of social discontent and national disunity?
At the least, one marvels upon the House of Representatives and one begins to wonder what contentment and unity are we supposed to grovel before and cajole our sensibilities with. We have a Congress that could easily pass as the defining model of discontent and disunity in these postmodern times and yet they pluck out their political propositions out of an inspired madness. Even more so, with the MILF flatly rejecting the move to federalize the country believing it’s another “government ploy to trick the guerillas,” what removal of “social discontent and national disunity” are we supposed to hope for?
Where’s the beef?
Well, the only beef there is is the empowerment of the southern regions which comprehend their potentials to the marrow, like fish itching for water. That, apart from decentralizing “imperial Manila” which is inherent to it. That, apart from cultivating the fertile soils, literally and figuratively, owned by the people of Mindanao.
Not so long ago, it was Rep. Jose De Venecia who first hinted at a parliamentary shift. Being a member of the lower Congress himself, Joe's brainchild was lambasted by the senate largely because it implied the dire consequence of dissolving the upper legislature which he wasn't part of. Which of course raised hell on heaven, or hell on hell. It, too, raised the Senate eyebrows to the ceiling, prompting them to erase that which could swipe them off of their political perpetuity and participation, not to mention tragicomic displays of concern for the people. But that’s a different story.
Today we hear a déjà vu of some sort, although it merely echoes a tune close to Joe's earlier hums. Today, we now hear the senate leading the pack for federalism instituted either through a constituent assembly or a constitutional convention.
Four reasons forced the winds in the Senate, or in the minds of the senators, to blow in another direction. One is that a shift to a federal country would lead to savings during elections. Two, which is the perceived consequence of the first, is that it will raze down corruption to ashes. That is so because elected politicians will no longer resort to pillaging the national treasury to regain their electoral expenses during political campaigns before and during their term. Three is that federalism will empower the other regions, especially the regions in Mindanao, as it would enliven the federal states in making use of their resources for their own. One consequence is that “Imperial Manila” will cease to dominate and control the neighboring and distant regions. The bureaucratic leash would have to be eventually slashed. Fourth and last, which is connected with the third, is that the insurgencies spurred by the separatist movements in Mindanao will receive the final nail on its coffin. That’s for saying goodbye to armed rebellion and saying hello to the Bangsamoro Juridical Entity.
Those are quite a fearsome foursome. But those are certainly so only on print.
Some have said that all forms of government look good on paper, and that some of these only look good like candies for the eyes. Either of which is true in a democracy and true in a federal system. The same goes for an autocracy, although the truth in this might spawn a barrage of indictments, but that certainly is another story that goes as far back as Marcos. In any case, theory lies in a different realm in contrast to practice. The former goes with thinking, the latter goes with acting, or enabling, whichever comes first. Even more so, the ‘practice’ part of theory largely depends on the agents of the actions. That being said, any theory divine in print can grow corrupted roots when those who man the posts transfigure into monstrous cabals like those whom we bear witness to today.
For the most part, Pimentel’s version of a federal state demands for 75 senators, six of whom are voted from each of the eleven component federal states, and 350 members of the House of Representatives. That brings to mind the classic saying “too many cooks spoil the broth,” much as it turns the nation into a guinea pig, causing it to suffer from political experimentations born out of the discontent not to the catalysts of “borjers” and “bukols” but to the institution of democracy as it is today. Quite ironically, instead of limiting the rotten eggs in the government in both size and substance, instead of trimming the defilers of the land who infiltrate the sanctity of the democratic institutions to the point of madness and frustration, the legislature is enthralled by the thought of begging for more.
That's like saying we can't beat the hell out of these corrupt politicians, let's have more of them. If you can't beat them, well, let them come flooding before the gates of the fiefdom.
Here we have the pathological and patent disorder of diagnosing the wrong disease and, worse, prescribing the wrong medicine. And here, too, we have the manifestation of the diabolical ailment of being inspired to replicate what we observe in others: federalism worked in the United States of America—or so we are told—why not suffuse it here? Why not turn this nation into an America in the Pacific, or a United States of the Philippines if you will? But why why not and not why? Before we forget, our democracy is not as old as we think of it. Our democratic institutions are younger than Chuck Norris. Federalism is an alien concept. It is a political serum that nips the current democracy right at its infant buds.
With federalism designed—or assumed—to help the government save finances during elections, would more legislators translate to more treasury savings? A sensible logic to the sensible question tells us otherwise. You have more names listed in the government payroll, our financial resources won’t be seeing its thickening days. God or Allah or Buddha knows where our taxes go, even the ones that go under the table. More to that point, would more politicians equate with little to zero politicking and the removal of social discontent and national disunity?
At the least, one marvels upon the House of Representatives and one begins to wonder what contentment and unity are we supposed to grovel before and cajole our sensibilities with. We have a Congress that could easily pass as the defining model of discontent and disunity in these postmodern times and yet they pluck out their political propositions out of an inspired madness. Even more so, with the MILF flatly rejecting the move to federalize the country believing it’s another “government ploy to trick the guerillas,” what removal of “social discontent and national disunity” are we supposed to hope for?
Where’s the beef?
Well, the only beef there is is the empowerment of the southern regions which comprehend their potentials to the marrow, like fish itching for water. That, apart from decentralizing “imperial Manila” which is inherent to it. That, apart from cultivating the fertile soils, literally and figuratively, owned by the people of Mindanao.
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